Neither to Swallow, Nor to Puke

Despina Stratigakos, Hitler at Home, Yale University Press, Kindle ed., 2015

Ms. Stratigakos, a professor at the University of Buffalo, is a historian who knows her way about architecture and design. Or perhaps I should call her an architect and designer who knows her way about history and how to write it. In this book, one of four she has authored (and two I’ve read), she treats us to a tour of the Berghof, Adolf Hitler’s retreat in the Bavarian Alps. The outcome is as fascinating as books of this kind can be.

The story starts in 1927 when Hitler, then 38 years old and the leader of a small but noisy party in the German parliament, was introduced to the area by one of his adherents. So much did he like the house, known as Haus Wachenfeld after the owner, that he decided to rent it and make it his vacation home. Not long thereafter he bought it, putting it on his sister’s name so as to avoid paying taxes. From this point until the summer of 1944, when he left it for the last time, his fate and that of the Haus were inextricably linked.

Not that the Berghof, (translatable as either Mountain Farm or Mountain Court), as Hitler renamed it, was ever his only home. Not long after he first visited Berchtesgaden, as the area was and still is called, he also acquired a large and comfortable flat in the center of Munich. The city where, the four years he spent in the trenches apart, in which he had lived from 1912 on and in which the National Socialist Party was born some seven years later. Following his appointment as Chancellor in January 1933 he also had at his disposal an entire complex (or, following Hindenburg’s death and the merger of his post with that of the president, two complexes) of buildings on the Wilhelmstrasse, in Berlin’s government quarter. Prof. Stratigakos describes both of these complexes in considerable detail right down to location of the vestibules and the toilets as well as the colors used in each room.

All this is interesting enough. Prof. Stratigakos, however, focuses her attention on the Berghof. Why? Because, much more than the other two quarters the Fuehrer occupied, Hitler used it for propaganda purposes to celebrate his lifestyle and cement his bonds with the German people over whom he ruled.

Needless to say, Hitler was not alone. The list of those who aided him in this effort is a long one. The first was Paul Troost, the architect who presided over the first expansion and modernization of the Berghof in 1932-33. After his death, which occurred in 1934, the work was taken over by his widow Gerty; most of the interior decoration of the house, including such details as the selection of colors, curtains, furniture, decorative articles, tableware, and so on can be traced to her influence. Heinrich Hoffman, Hitler’s official photographer, who took thousands of pictures of the man and his home and selected hundreds of them for publication in every kind of medium available at the time. Nazi bigwigs such as Youth Leader Baldur von Schirach who wrote adulatory texts to accompany the photographs. And Joseph Goebbels, Hitler’s Minister of Propaganda, who saw to it that the material should be distributed all over the Reich.

From the hands of these and countless others, the popular image of the Fuhrer emerged. No lover of great cities but a simple resident of a simple house in a simple village in a simple, if exceptionally beautiful, district. Relatively poor (one of the few criticisms I have of Prof. Stratigakos’ work is the emphasis she puts on the sums spent on the Berghof; whatever else, they did not compare with the 160 or so castles belonging to the Hohenzollern family).

No snob, but “our Hitler” as Goebbels liked to call him; a man among men (and women who, from beginning to end, were among his greatest admirers) with whom he was on easy terms. Dressed in simple clothes; no elaborate headdress, no rows of glittering if often meaningless medals on his chest. Good with women whom he treated with an old-fashioned sort of respect reminiscent of his Austrian homeland. Good with children whom he invited to parties and fed with cakes. Good with dogs which he was always trying to train. And possessed of a small weakness (a sweet tooth) that would make those in the know smile indulgently.

The last large expansion and renovation of the Berghof took place in 1937-38. By that time it was well on the way in being turned from a relatively modest private residence into a kind of second capital where the owner spent as much of his time as he could. Important guests—including Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, former British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George, and Heinrich Himmler, the SS commander responsible for carrying out the Holocaust—visited. Important officers, e.g some 200 generals on the eve of the invasion of Russia, received their marching orders. With the Fuehrer’s brutal deputy, Martin Bormann, in charge, paved roads, guest houses, barracks for the SS guard, vast underground storerooms and communication corridors appeared as if by magic. So did the houses of Hitler’s paladins including Goering, Speer, Goebbels, and Bormann himself. The demands of total war—especially in terms of raw materials and workers—did something to slow the building process. However, until July 1944 when Hitler left his house for the last time, it never stopped.

To repeat, I found almost all of this fascinating. Still the author will have to forgive me for writing that the most interesting, as well as the most important, chapter is the last: containing, not detailed descriptions of the Berghof, nor the use that was made of it for purposes of propaganda and bolstering the regime, but the fate that overtook it after the war’s end. Having already been heavily bombed by the RAF, first it and the surrounding area were occupied and looted by American troops. Not always with success, since secret storerooms and corridors are being occasionally discovered right down to the present day. Then what remained of the house was dynamited along with most of the remaining structures. Then the entire area, some 150 square miles in size, was returned to the Bavarian Government.

Then the debate what to do with it got under way in earnest. Who, if anyone, should be allowed to visit the remnants of the various structures and if so, under what conditions and for what purposes. Whether there should, or should not, be a visitor center and, if so, what it should tell visitors. How to avoid turning the area into a sort of ghoulish holiday park (complete with a miniature gas chamber, perhaps?). How to prevent it from attracting Nazis, Neo-Nazis, extremists, and ordinary right wingers. The kind who would gather to worship the man who liked to describe himself as the greatest German of all times.

Stuck in Germany’s throat, Hitler and everything pertaining to him is. To quote a Hebrew phrase that seems singularly appropriate, neither to swallow, nor to puke. And so, as then Chancellor Helmut Schmidt warned his countrymen decades ago, it will remain for a thousand years to come.

Alexandra

History has not been kind to Alexandra Feodorovna. Born in 1872 to a fairly minor (as belle epoque grand dukes go), German grand duke, married (in 1894) to Tsar Nicholas II of Russia, she is often presented as a melancholic, not too bright, woman. One whose chief interests—how dare she—was neither feminism nor any public role she might have played, but religion, her children, embroidery, and singing hymns. One who, it having been discovered that her only son, heir to the throne Alexei, was a hemophiliac, went almost out of her mind trying to look after him and worrying about him. With good reason, for more than once he was on the point of death and more than once he begged his parents to put him out of his misery by killing him. Things were made even worse when she turned to Rasputin, an uncouth, semiliterate, but highly charismatic self-proclaimed holy man from Siberia, for the kind of spiritual aid she so desperately needed but apparently could not find either at court or with her husband.

Partly because of her German origins, partly because many members of the Tsar’s family and court officials considered that he had betrayed them by marrying below his station, Alexandra was never popular at court. Nor, later on, did her closeness to Rasputin improve matters. But that was only part of it. Not only was Alexandra not the type that happily waves to crowds, but she never attained a complete mastery of Russian (she and her husband used to communicate in English). As a result, she was not terribly well received by the rest of the population either.

The outbreak of World War I did nothing to improve the lot of this unhappy woman. First she did her best to prevent her two countries from going to war against each other, storming into her husband’s presence and proclaiming, prophetically as it turned out, that “this is the end of everything.” Starting in 1915 she found herself accused of being in favor of Germany, even a German spy, a claim for which no evidence has ever been found. After the March 1917 Revolution she and her family were arrested, first by the Kerensky Government and then again by Lenin and his Bolsheviks. Held first in Tobolsk (in Siberia) and then in Yekaterinburg (ditto) under conditions that grew steadily worse. In the spring of 1918 there was some talk of sending the royal family to England in quest of asylum; but these hopes were dashed when the Emperor’s cousin, King George V, fearing for his own throne, refused to let them in. The end came in July of the same year when, probably on Lenin’s personal order, the Tsar, his wife, and their five children (four daughters, one son) were taken to a cellar and died in a hail of submachine gun bullets.

So far the traditional view. It so happened, however, that I came across a work by one Anna Viroubova. Born in 1884, the daughter of a high Russian official, for twelve years (1905-12) she was the Empress’ closest companion and confidante. In 1917 she too was arrested, first by Kerensky and then by Lenin. Held under rather unpleasant conditions in the infamous Petrograd (as it then was) Fortress of Peter and Paul, later she was released and went to live with her mother in the same city. From that apartment she was able to keep up an illicit, but fairly regular, correspondence with her imprisoned former mistress, the latter’s husband the former emperor, and their offspring. In 1920 she escaped to newly independent Finland where she spent the rest of her life, finally dying in 1964.

Nothing like prison to clear the mind, they say. Perhaps that is why the Empress’ letters to Viroubova, as printed in the latter’s 1923 book, showed her in a light I had never known existed. Here was a courageous woman. One who, amidst all her tribulations, knew how to give and receive love.

I quote. From Anna Viroubova, Memories of the Russian Court Normandy Press. Kindle Edition, 2016, p. 167.

March 1918.

“We are endlessly touched by all your love and thoughtfulness. Thank everybody for us, please, but really it is too bad to spoil us so, for you are among so many difficulties and we have not many privations, I assure you. We have enough to eat, and in many respects are rich compared with you. The children put on yesterday your lovely blouses. The hats also are very useful, as we have none of this sort. The pink jacket is far too pretty for an old woman like me, but the hat is all right for my gray hair. What a lot of things! The books I have already begun to read, and for all the rest such tender thanks. He [the Emperor] was so pleased by the military suit, vest, and trousers you sent him, and all the lovely things. From whom came the ancient image? I love it. Our last gifts to you, including the Easter eggs, will get off today. I can’t get much here except a little flour. Just now we are completely shut off from the south, but we did get, a short time ago, letters from Odessa. What they have gone through there is quite terrible…”

Ibid, p. 167.

“Well, all is God’s will. The deeper you look the more you understand that this is so. All sorrows are sent us to free us from our sins or as a test of our faith, an example to others. It requires good food to make plants grow strong and beautiful, and the gardener walking through his garden wants to be pleased with his flowers. If they do not grow properly he takes his pruning knife and cuts, waiting for the sunshine to coax them into growth again. I should like to be a painter, and make a picture of this beautiful garden and all that grows in it. I remember English gardens, and at Livadia [in the Crimea] Just now eleven men have passed on horseback, good faces, mere boys—this I have not seen the like of for a long time. They are the guard of the new Kommissar. Sometimes we see men with the most awful faces. I would not include them in my garden picture. The only place for them would be outside where the merciful sunshine could reach them and make them clean from all the dirt and evil with which they are covered. God bless you, darling child. Our prayers and blessings surround you. I was so pleased with the little mauve Easter egg, and all the rest. But I wish I could send you back the money I know you need for yourself. May the Holy Virgin guard you from all danger. Kiss your dear mother for me. Greetings to your old servant, the doctors, and Fathers John and Dosifei. Viroubova, Alexandra.”

Ibid, p. 168, 21 March.

“Darling child, we thank you for all your gifts, the little eggs, the cards, and the chocolate for the little one. Thank your mother for the books. Father was delighted with the cigarettes, which he found so good, and also with the sweets. Snow has fallen again, although the sunshine is bright. The little one’s leg is gradually getting better, he suffers less, and had a really good sleep last night. Today we are expecting to be searched—very agreeable! I don’t know how it will be later about sending letters. I only hope it will be possible, and I pray for help. The atmosphere around us is fairly electrified. We feel that a storm is approaching, but we know that God is merciful, and will care for us. Things are growing very anguishing. Today we shall have a small service at home, for which we are thankful, but it is hard, nevertheless, not to be allowed to go to Church. You understand how that is, my little martyr. I shall not send this, as ordinarily, through ———, as she too is going to be searched. It was so nice of you to send her a dress. I add my thanks to hers. Today is the twenty-fourth anniversary of our engagement. How sad it is to remember that we had to burn all our letters, yours too, and others as dear. But what was to be done? One must not attach one’s soul to earthly things, but words written by beloved hands penetrate the very heart, become a part of life itself. I wish I had something sweet to send you, but I haven’t anything. Why did you not keep that chocolate for yourself? You need it more than the children do. We are allowed one and a half pounds of sugar every month, but more is always given us by kind-hearted people here. I never touch sugar during Lent, but that does not seem to be a deprivation now. I was so sorry to hear that my poor lancer Ossorgine had been killed, and so many others besides. What a lot of misery and useless sacrifice! But they are all happier now in the other world. Though we know that the storm is coming nearer and nearer, our souls are at peace. Whatever happens will be through God’s will. Thank God, at least, the little one is better. May I send the money back to you? I am sure you will need it if you have to move again. God guard you. I bless and kiss you, and carry you always in my heart. Keep well and brave. Greetings to all from your ever loving, Alexandra.”

Shinzo Abe, or the Art of the Possible

Back in 1943, the year in which political scientist Quincy Wright published his monumental A Study of War, he put Japan at the top of his list of aggressive and militaristic nations, ranking it ahead even of Germany. Considering that Hitler was in power and that, during the four decades since 1900, Germany had been widely blamed for having launched not one but two world wars, this fact sheds an interesting light on the way people used to think.

But nothing lasts forever. Following Japan’s defeat in World War II, brought about partly by a series of bloody battles against vastly superior Allied forces (those of the US, Britain, China and, for good measure, the Soviet Union as well) and partly by two nuclear devices dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki respectively, the country’s public opinion became as bitterly opposed to war as it had previously been militaristic. The most important symptom of this opposition was the reluctance, which lasted for decades on end and still remains a major factor in Japanese politics, to change the Constitution. One which, originally dictated to it by the American General Douglas MacArthur, “forever renounce[d] war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes.”

Enter Shinzo Abe. Born in 1954, the scion of a well-known political family and a Liberal Democrat, (meaning, slightly right of center), twice he served as prime minister (2006-2007 and 2012-2020).  Making a total of nine years, more than any other post-1945 Japanese prime minister. Both in- and out of office he never left any doubt concerning the need to increase his country’s ability to assert itself if necessary. Without, however, going too far in provoking either his domestic electorate or foreign countries, both friendly and hostile. Now that he has fallen victim to an assassin, it is worth listing some of the most important efforts he and his fellow Liberal Democrats have been making or trying to make. If not in this order, then at any rate in this direction.

  • Cementing Japan’s alliance with the United States as its protector against Soviet-Russian/Chinese/and North Korean aggression.
  • Starting in 1991, having suffered the humiliation of by helplessly standing by while others crushed Iraq’s Saddam Hussein, they gradually expanded Japan’s participation in various international peace-keeping efforts. Including, from 2004 on, sending naval and air forces to the Persian Gulf and Afghanistan to assist in those efforts.
  • Using various accounting tricks to boost the country’s defense budget from about one percent of GDP to double that without too many people noticing.
  • Reinterpreting—not modifying—Japan’s Constitution in a way that would allow Japanese troops to come to the aid of an ally under attack.
  • Creating a National Security Council as an instrument for reinforcing the prime minister’s role in security affairs. Some Japan-watchers called this “the most ambitious reorganization of Japan’s foreign and security policy apparatus since the end of World War II.”
  • Putting an end to Japan’s long-standing official denials that it had American nuclear weapons stationed on its territory.
  • Building a couple of aircraft carriers, albeit that they are much smaller and less capable not only than the American ones but also than the new ones on which the Chinese Navy has been working.
  • Relaxing, though not lifting, Japan’s ban on exporting all kinds of military-related equipment; with Ukraine under Russian attack and begging for any assistance it can have, the importance of this measure does not have to be pointed out.
  • By way of putting the plum on the icing, visiting Tokyo’s Temple of the War Dead and paying his respects to the kami (spirits). Including some characterized by Japan’s opponents as war criminals.

All that having been said, here is a list of measures Shinzo and his fellow Liberal Democrats, probably because they believed the opposition would be too strong, did not push through:

  • While Japan’s defense budget has been growing, it still ranks only seventh in the world. That is way below that of a number of other countries whose economies are smaller than its own.
  • No Japanese forces have seen combat against the troops of any other power, nor is there any intention of changing this policy.
  • Though Japan has long been in possession of a large and sophisticated nuclear industry, as far as public knowledge allows us to judge it has never made any strong move toward the construction of nuclear weapons.
  • Finally, while public opinion has slowly been shifting towards building stronger armed forces, the Constitution has never been revised and does not look as if it is going to be anytime soon.

It is as Bismarck said: politics is the art of the possible.

And How about Progress?

It seems just a few years have passed since the best-selling Harvard psychologist Steven Pinker published two extraordinarily optimistic works, The Better Angels of Our Nature; Why Violence Has Declined (2011) and Enlightenment Now (2018). As the author says, his intention was to show that humanity is marching towards, if not perfection, at any rate a greatly improved existence. Depending on the geographical location and the country in question, fewer wars and fewer people who lose their lives in them. Less crime and less violence.  Fewer perinatal deaths among women and infants. Greater control over nature. Better healthcare. Diseases that, once considered incurable, have since been eradicated or are on their way to being so. Growing life expectancy (some visionaries have claimed that the first immortals, people destined to live forever or at least to age 200, are already walking among us). Greatly expanded economic production which, along with developing technology, is pointing towards the eradication of poverty and a future in which everyone, if not rich, will at any rate have enough to eat. More democracy, more justice, more human rights. More and often better education; less superstition, more science. Less slavery, more mobility and more travel. More opportunities. An improved social order that is steadily making the lives of billions brighter, happier, more enjoyable.

Says Hegel—I take it for granted that anyone who reads this blog will know who he was, so no need to explain—that Minerva’s owl only spreads its wings at dusk. Meaning, the very fact that more and more people have come to believe in something—progress, say, or democracy, or socialism, or the widespread existence of a “rape culture”–is itself part cause, part outcome, of the collapse of that “something.” Why? Because history, unlike the natural world, moves neither in cycles nor in a straight line but in an unending process of action-reaction.  An idea–for Hegel, an idealist, it is always the idea that comes first–is born. It spreads. Spreading, it gives rise to opposition (as any idea necessarily does; no opposition, no idea). The two, the idea and the opposition to it, interact. They study each other, learn from each other, wrestle and merge. Until a new idea is born out of both its parents’ bodies, enabling the process to continue, All this takes place all the time, at every level, moving us ever forward towards what Hegel regards as the final goal. Meaning, a world in which a single idea—that of freedom—dominates and all contradictions are resolved.

To repeat, only a few years have passed since Pinker took up the cudgels for progress. In those years, what a reaction! Too many people on this crowded earth of us. Global warming causing sea levels to rise and glaciers to melt. Storms that alternate with droughts. Wherever we look, spreading pollution: on land, at sea, even in outer space. Restrictions on tourism, only recently declared to be the greatest industry on earth but now increasingly seen as a threat to the environment. In some places—not always the least-developed ones–life expectancy has begun to decline. Corona, counting its victims in the millions, remains a threat as some other emergent diseases may also do.

More money is being spent on the military than ever before. War, large scale war, has broken out in Europe and may be about to break out in East Asia as well (e.g. between China and Taiwan). Depression is spreading, as is the use of all kinds of dubious drugs supposed to combat it. A growing volume of seemingly random violence in which innocent people, schoolchildren included, are killed. Vast and growing socio-economic gaps between people, classes and countries. In many countries, democracy is turning questionable and authoritarianism is raising its ugly head. Even within that model of humanitarian perfection, the EU, some members are not immune.

To continue the list, the value of much non-professional higher education is being questioned. Contact between people belonging to different religions and cultures, rather than teaching toleration and mutual respect, often gives rise to more hatred and greater fanaticism. Police states using technological progress—the kind which, Edward Snowden tells us, he and so many others originally welcomed as an instrument of liberation—to spy on everyone all the time. The beginning of a reaction to wokeness that may very well put an end to whatever progress—if, indeed, it is progress–has been achieved in this direction and spread.

Two centuries after Schiller wrote, and Beethoven set to music, the idea that “all people are becoming brothers” there is even a movement, or at least the beginning of a movement, made up of scientists and scholars who believe that we are at a critical turning point. Meaning  that, following some two and a half centuries of visible and sustained progress, that progress has now peaked and is about to go into reverse.

Which view is correct? As several entries in this blog testify, when considering the future it is always useful to consult George Orwell. Here is what, shortly before his death in 1950, he had to say about the matter:

The world of [1984] is a bare, hungry, dilapidated place compared with the world that existed before 1914, and still more so if compared with the imaginary future to which the people of that period looked forward. In the early twentieth century, the vision of a future society unbelievably rich, leisured, orderly, and efficient — a glittering antiseptic world of glass and steel and snow-white concrete — was part of the consciousness of nearly every literate person. Science and technology were developing at a prodigious speed, and it seemed natural to assume that they would go on developing. This failed to happen, partly because of the impoverishment caused by a long series of wars and revolutions, partly because scientific and technical progress depended on the empirical habit of thought, which could not survive in a strictly regimented society. As a whole the world is more primitive today than it was fifty years ago.

Is this the direction in which we are moving?